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Post Info TOPIC: Assignment #21: 1945-1969 DBQ Thread
mre


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RE: Assignment #21: 1945-1969 DBQ Thread


To see some of the DBQ's created by students as examples of what you are/will be doing... http://www.mury.k12.ut.us/MHS/apus/dbq/default.htm

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mre wrote:

piracine wrote:

Can you help me find statistics on the demographics of the post world war years, mainly the 1950's consumerism time, all I have are maps..... :(



What are you looking for specifically?

 



Maybe statistics that reflect the amount of people who moved from the city to the suburbs, since the maps I have show it but not very clearly. As far as I think anyway.

These are my documents again, btw.


Works Cited (Since they didn't work as an attachment in an email or by posting they're here like this now.)

1.) Copyright © 1995-2008, Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Longman

(Library of Congress)

<http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3125413-content,00.html>

2.) Copyright © 1995-2008, Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Longman

(Scott Foresman Addison Wesley, Picture Research Dept.)

<http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3125422-content,00.html>

3.) Brown V. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas 347 U.S.C. 483 (1954)

<http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3124584-content,00.html>

4.) Weaver, Robert C.. The Negro as an American
Electronic TextCenter, University of Virginia Library

< http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=WeaNegr.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/parsed&tag=public&part=1&division=div1>

5.)  Copyright © 1995-2008, Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Longman

<http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3125748-content,00.html>

6.) Copyright © 1995-2008, Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Longman

<http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3125749-content,00.html>

7.)THE ORGANIZATION MAN, by William H. Whyte

(New York: Doubleday, 1956)

Chapter 1, Introduction

Document URL: http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/whyte-chap1.html
Last modified: Thursday, 31-May-2007 09:41:30 EDT

8.) <http://www.wku.edu/~smithch/MALVINA/mr094.htm>
This page copyright 2006 by Charles H. Smith and Nancy Schimmel. All rights reserved

9.) Copyright © 1995-2008, Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Longman

(Library of Congress)

< http://wpscms.pearsoncmg.com/long_longman_mhlus_0/0,11867,3125277-content,00.html>

10.)???? One more if you know of one??


 



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mre wrote:

Walter wrote:

I'm going to be revising my question a little. I think this is a little better. How great of an effect did the auto-mobile have on changing America economically, and culturally?



No, you can't go in that direction.  How great is way too ambiguous.  Some will say a lot and some a little. 

Here's what you can use: The automobile influenced American culture and economics more than any other factor.  Assess the validity of this statement with your analysis of the documents and use of outside information from 1950-1970.

 



Alright what kind of documents would i need to find for this question though?

 



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mre


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Pam,

Put the selections of the documents here directly, so they can be read.  Don't link to a huge document, ok?

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mre


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Walter wrote:

mre wrote:

 

Walter wrote:

I'm going to be revising my question a little. I think this is a little better. How great of an effect did the auto-mobile have on changing America economically, and culturally?



No, you can't go in that direction.  How great is way too ambiguous.  Some will say a lot and some a little. 

Here's what you can use: The automobile influenced American culture and economics more than any other factor.  Assess the validity of this statement with your analysis of the documents and use of outside information from 1950-1970.

 



Alright what kind of documents would i need to find for this question though?

 



What documents have you found already?

 



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Document A:

atomic-cloud.gif

Several minutes after the blast of Operation Cue, a series of nuclear weapons tests conducted at the Nevada Test Site during the 1950's.

Document B:

John Foster Dulles, "The Evolution of Foreign Policy,"

We need allies and collective security. Our purpose is to make these relations more effective, less costly. This can be done by placing more reliance on deterrent power and less dependence on local defensive power.

What the Eisenhower administration seeks is a similar international security system. We want, for ourselves and the other free nations, a maximum deterrent at a bearable cost.

Local defense will always be important. But there is no local defense which alone will contain the mighty land power of the Communist world. Local defenses must be reinforced by the further deterrent of massive retaliatory power. A potential aggressor must know that he cannot always prescribe battle conditions that suit him. Otherwise, for example, a potential aggressor, who is glutted with manpower, might be tempted to attack in confidence that resistance would be confined to manpower. He might be tempted to attack in places where his superiority was decisive.

The way to deter aggression is for the free community to be willing and able to respond vigorously at places and with means of its own choosing.

Document C:

Soviet_takeover.GIF

Political cartoon "Soviet Takeover".

Document D:

Dwight D. Eisenhowers Farewell Address, 1961

We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence economic, political, even spiritual is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.



Four documents! =]


-- Edited by Jessica! on Sunday 15th of March 2009 02:37:09 AM

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G. Larsen wrote:

 

G. Larsen wrote:

 

Upon looking at mine, it's more or less Robert's but with a brick of stupid tied around it. He did it better, he can keep it.

Assess the validity of this statement: The United States held true to its Constitution and its rhetoric of democratic ideals when working against both domestic and international Communism in the early years of the Cold War (1945-1960).

 




 

 




Please look this over and tell me if it's workable, Mr. Everett.

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Are you kidding me Mr. Everett?  That was last years question?
Grr....
Now what?

-- Edited by James on Sunday 15th of March 2009 02:40:02 AM

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mre wrote:

Tyler W. wrote:

To what extent did the baby boomers change America, politically, socially, and culturally, in the period of reform from 1960-1969.



I would frame as a statement for the writer to take a position on instead of a question, but consider different perspectives and evidence.

 



There was much change in the 60's. To what extext did or didn't the baby boomer generation change America in the 60's.

 



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Tyler Wilkinson


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Document A-

Andy Warhol picture of Marilyn Monroe (can't seem to post the image)



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Tyler Wilkinson


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To what extent did politics impact the civil rights movement? Use your knowledge of the years 1955-1965 to answer the question.

Document A:
Spoiler


Document B
Spoiler


-- Edited by Leslie on Sunday 15th of March 2009 09:06:33 PM

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mre wrote:

Pam,

Put the selections of the documents here directly, so they can be read.  Don't link to a huge document, ok?



Here it is then, don't know how well it will work though....

1.)
Kenneth Clark Testing Children's Choices of Dolls, 1924

Kenneth Clark studied the impact of segregation on children by having them pick between playing with a white doll or a black doll. Invariably, children chose the white doll as this photo illustrates. (Library of Congress)

2.)Levittown

William Levitt capitalized on the postwar need for new housing as well as the mortgage subsidies contained in the 1944 GI Bill of Rights. The houses in his enormous suburban developments were small by today's standards, but they were affordable and included many modern conveniences. (Scott Foresman Addison Wesley, Picture Research Dept.)

3.)Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas 347 U.S.C. 483 (1954)

Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court

These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools.

The plaintiffs contended that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. . . .

In the first cases in this Court construing the Fourteenth Amendment, decided shortly after its adoption, the Court interpreted it as proscribing all state-imposed discriminations against the Negro race. The doctrine of "separate but equal" did not make its appearance in this Court until 1896 in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, supra, involving not education but transportation. American courts have since labored with the doctrine for over half a century. In this Court, there have been six cases involving the "separate but equal" doctrine in the field of public education. . . . In none of these cases was it necessary to examine the doctrine to grant relief to the Negro plaintiff. And in Sweatt v. Painter . . .the Court expressly reserved decision on the question of whether Plessy v. Ferguson should be held inapplicable to public education.

In the instant cases, that question is directly presented. Here, unlike Sweatt v. Painter, there are findings below that the Negro and white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other "tangible" factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education.

In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868 when the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896 when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws.

Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does.

In Sweatt v. Painter . . . in finding that a segregated law school for Negroes could not provide them equal education opportunities, the Court relied in large part on "those qualities which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for greatness in a law school." In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents . . . the Court, in requiring that a Negro admitted to a white graduate school be treated like all other students, again resorted to intangible considerations: ". . . his ability to study, to engage in discussions and exchange views with other students, and in general, to learn his profession." Such considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high schools. To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone. The effect of this separation on their educational opportunities was well stated by a finding in the Kansas case by a court which nevertheless felt compelled to rule against the Negro plaintiffs:

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to retard the education and mental development of negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racial[ly] integrated school system.

Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply supported by modern authority. Any language in Plessy v. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected.

We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

 

4.) Weaver, Robert C.. The Negro as an American
Electronic TextCenter, University of Virginia Library

THE NEGRO AS AN AMERICAN

When the average well-informed and well-intentioned white American discusses the issue of race with his Negro counterpart there are many areas of agreement. There are also certain significant areas of disagreement.

   Negro Americans usually feel that whites exaggerate progress; while whites frequently feel that Negroes minimize gains. Then there are differences relative to the responsibility of Negro leadership. It is in these areas of dispute that some of the most subtle and revealing aspects of Negro-white relationships reside. And it is to the subtle and less obvious aspects of this problem that I wish to direct my remarks.

   Most middle-class white Americans frequently ask, "Why do Negroes push so? They have made phenomenal progress in 100 years of freedom, so why don't their leaders do something about the crime rate and illegitimacy?" To them I would reply that when Negroes press for full equality now they are behaving as all other Americans would under similar circumstances. Every American has the right to be treated as a human being and striving for human dignity is a national characteristic. Also, there is nothing inconsistent in such action and realistic self-appraisal. Indeed, as I shall develop, self-help programs among non-whites, if they are to be effective, must go hand-in-glove with the opening of new opportunities.

   Negroes who are constantly confronted or threatened by discrimination and inequality articulate a sense of outrage. Many react with hostility, sometimes translating their feelings into overt anti-social actions. In parts of the Negro community a separate culture with deviant values develops. To the members of this subculture I would observe that ours is a middle-class society and those who fail to evidence most of its values and behavior are headed toward difficulties. But I am reminded that the rewards for those who do are often minimal, providing insufficient inducement for large numbers to emulate them.

.

Of course, there are those who observe that the average income, the incidence of home ownership, the rate of acquisition of automobiles, and the like, among Negroes in the United States are higher than in some so-called advanced nations. Such comparisons mean little. Incomes are significant only in relation to the cost of living, and the other attainments and acquisitions are significant for comparative purposes only when used to reflect the Negro's relative position in the world. The Negro here -- as he has so frequently and eloquently demonstrated -- is an American. And his status, no less than his aspirations, can be measured meaningfully only in terms of American standards.

   Viewed from this point of view what are the facts?

   Median family income among non-whites was slightly less than 55 percent of that for whites in 1959; for individuals the figure was 50 percent.

   Only a third of the Negro families in 1959 earned sufficient to sustain an acceptable American standard of living. Yet this involved well over a million Negro families, of which 6,000 earned $25,000 or more.

   Undergirding these overall figures are many paradoxes. Negroes have made striking gains in historical terms, yet their current rate of unemployment is well over double that among whites. Over two-thirds of our colored workers are still concentrated in five major unskilled and semi-skilled occupations, as contrasted to slightly over a third of the white labor force.

..

   The Negro middle-class seems destined to grow and prosper. At the same time, the economic position of the untrained and poorly trained Negro -- as of all untrained and poorly trained in our society -- will continue to decline. Non-whites are doubly affected. First, they are disproportionately concentrated in occupations particularly susceptible to unemployment at a time when our technology eats up unskilled and semi-skilled jobs at a frightening rate. Secondly, they are conditioned to racial job discrimination. The latter circumstance becomes a justification for not trying, occasioning a lack of incentive for self-betterment.

   The tragedy of discrimination is that it provides an excuse for failure while erecting barriers to success.

   Most colored Americans still are not only outside the mainstream of our society but see no hope of entering it. The lack of motivation and anti-social behavior which result are capitalized upon by the champions of the status quo. They say that the average Negro must demonstrate to the average white that the latter's fears are groundless. One proponent of this point of view has stated that Negro crime and illegitimacy must decline and Negro neighborhoods must stop deteriorating.

..

   Many white Americans are perplexed, confused, and antagonized by Negroes' persistent pressure to break down racial segregation. Few pause to consider what involuntary segregation means to its victims. 
        To the Negro, as an American, involuntary segregation is degrading, inconventional and costly. It is degrading because it is a tangible and constant reminder of the theory upon which it is based-- biological racial inferiority. It is inconvenient because it means long trips to work, esclusion from certain cultural and recreational facilities, lack of access to restraunts and hotels conveniently located, and frequently, relegation to grossly inferior accomodations. Sometimes it spells denial of a job and often it prevents upgrading based on ability. 

   But the principal disadvantage of involuntary segregation is its costliness. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in education and housing. By any and all criteria, separate schools are generally inferior schools in which the cultural deprivations of the descendants of slaves are perpetuated.

.

Middle-class Negroes have long led the fight for civil rights; today its youthful members do not hesitate to resort to direct action, articulating the impatience which is rife throughout the Negro community. In so doing they are forging a new solidarity in the struggle for human dignity.

5.)Atlas Map: Postwar Migration to the Sunbelt and West Coast

 6.)Atlas Map: Settlement in the US, c. 1950

7.) THE ORGANIZATION MAN, by William H. Whyte

(New York: Doubleday, 1956)

Chapter 1, Introduction

This book is about the organization man. If the term is vague, it is because I can think of no other way to describe the people I am talking about. They are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. The ones I am talking about belong to it as well. They are the ones of our middle class who have left home, spiritually as well as physically, to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. Only a few are top managers or ever will be. In a system that makes such hazy terminology as "junior executive" psychologically necessary, they are of the staff as much as the line, and most are destined to live poised in a middle area that still awaits a satisfactory euphemism. But they are the dominant members of our society nonetheless. They have not joined together into a recognizable elite--our country does not stand still long enough for that--but it is from their ranks that are coming most of the first and second echelons of our leadership, and it is their values which will set the American temper.

The corporation man is the most conspicuous example, but he is only one, for the collectivization so visible in the corporation has affected almost every field of work. Blood brother to the business trainee off to join Du Pont is the seminary student who win end up in the church hierarchy, the doctor headed for the corporate clinic, the physics Ph.D. in a government laboratory, the intellectual on the foundation-sponsored team project, the engineering graduate in the huge drafting room at Lockheed, the young apprentice in a Wall Street law factory.

In subsequent chapters I will explore these ideas more thoroughly, but for the moment I think the gist can be paraphrased thus: Man exists as a unit of society. Of himself, he is isolated, meaningless; only as he collaborates with others does he become worth while, for by sublimating himself m the group, he helps produce a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. There should be, then, no conflict between man and society. What we think are conflicts are misunderstandings, breakdowns in communication. By applying the methods of science to human relations we can eliminate these obstacles to consensus and create an equilibrium in which society's needs and the needs of the individual are one and the same.

..

I do not equate the Social Ethic with conformity, nor do I believe those who urge it wish it to be, for most of them believe deeply that their work will help, rather than harm, the individual. I think their ideas are out of joint with the needs of the times they invoke, but it is their ideas, and not their good will, I wish to question. As for the lackeys of organization and the charlatans, they are not worth talking about.

Neither do I intend this book as a censure of the fact of organization society. We have quite enough problems today without muddying the issue with misplaced nostalgia, and in contrasting the old ideology with the new I mean no contrast of paradise with paradise lost, an idyllic eighteenth century with a dehumanized twentieth. Whether or not our own era is worse than former ones in the climate of freedom is a matter that can be left to later historians, but for the purposes of this book I write with the optimistic premise that individualism is as possible in our times as in others.

8.) Little Boxes

Notes: words and music by Malvina Reynolds; copyright 1962 Schroder Music Company, renewed 1990.
Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes made of ticky tacky,

Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And the people in the houses
All went to the university,
Where they were put in boxes
And they came out all the same,
And there's doctors and lawyers,
And business executives,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And they all play on the golf course
And drink their martinis dry,
And they all have pretty children
And the children go to school,
And the children go to summer camp
And then to the university,
Where they are put in boxes
And they come out all the same.

And the boys go into business
And marry and raise a family
In boxes made of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

9.) Cover Illustration for "The Desi-Lucy Love Story," 1956

 

10.)????


 



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mre wrote:

Walter wrote:

mre wrote:

 

Walter wrote:

I'm going to be revising my question a little. I think this is a little better. How great of an effect did the auto-mobile have on changing America economically, and culturally?



No, you can't go in that direction.  How great is way too ambiguous.  Some will say a lot and some a little. 

Here's what you can use: The automobile influenced American culture and economics more than any other factor.  Assess the validity of this statement with your analysis of the documents and use of outside information from 1950-1970.

 



Alright what kind of documents would i need to find for this question though?

 



What documents have you found already?

 



i have one possible document and its a book here is the link to google books http://www.google.com/books?id=LQDoAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=America+and+the+Automobile:+Technology,+Reform+and+Social+Change/1893-1923#PPA13,M1

 



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I don't know why, but I cannot find a way to copy/paste my documents onto the forum (I spend about an hour finagling them every which way to try to get them to fit; all to no avail) so I'm just going to be printing them and bringing them all in on Monday. I'm sorry, I'm just not computer-savvy at all. :/

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mre


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joel the not so brave wrote:

I don't know why, but I cannot find a way to copy/paste my documents onto the forum (I spend about an hour finagling them every which way to try to get them to fit; all to no avail) so I'm just going to be printing them and bringing them all in on Monday. I'm sorry, I'm just not computer-savvy at all. :/



Oh well.  Thanks for trying. 

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mre


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Date:

Walter wrote:

mre wrote:

 

Walter wrote:

 

mre wrote:

 

Walter wrote:

I'm going to be revising my question a little. I think this is a little better. How great of an effect did the auto-mobile have on changing America economically, and culturally?



No, you can't go in that direction.  How great is way too ambiguous.  Some will say a lot and some a little. 

Here's what you can use: The automobile influenced American culture and economics more than any other factor.  Assess the validity of this statement with your analysis of the documents and use of outside information from 1950-1970.

 



Alright what kind of documents would i need to find for this question though?

 



What documents have you found already?

 



i have one possible document and its a book here is the link to google books http://www.google.com/books?id=LQDoAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=America+and+the+Automobile:+Technology,+Reform+and+Social+Change/1893-1923#PPA13,M1

 



OK, but you have to remember that the writer has to read that book in under 15 minutes.

 



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mre


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Date:

piracine wrote:

mre wrote:

Pam,

Put the selections of the documents here directly, so they can be read.  Don't link to a huge document, ok?



Here it is then, don't know how well it will work though....

1.)
Kenneth Clark Testing Children's Choices of Dolls, 1924

Kenneth Clark studied the impact of segregation on children by having them pick between playing with a white doll or a black doll. Invariably, children chose the white doll as this photo illustrates. (Library of Congress)

2.)Levittown

William Levitt capitalized on the postwar need for new housing as well as the mortgage subsidies contained in the 1944 GI Bill of Rights. The houses in his enormous suburban developments were small by today's standards, but they were affordable and included many modern conveniences. (Scott Foresman Addison Wesley, Picture Research Dept.)

3.)Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas 347 U.S.C. 483 (1954)

Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court

These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools.

The plaintiffs contended that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. . . .

In the first cases in this Court construing the Fourteenth Amendment, decided shortly after its adoption, the Court interpreted it as proscribing all state-imposed discriminations against the Negro race. The doctrine of "separate but equal" did not make its appearance in this Court until 1896 in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, supra, involving not education but transportation. American courts have since labored with the doctrine for over half a century. In this Court, there have been six cases involving the "separate but equal" doctrine in the field of public education. . . . In none of these cases was it necessary to examine the doctrine to grant relief to the Negro plaintiff. And in Sweatt v. Painter . . .the Court expressly reserved decision on the question of whether Plessy v. Ferguson should be held inapplicable to public education.

In the instant cases, that question is directly presented. Here, unlike Sweatt v. Painter, there are findings below that the Negro and white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other "tangible" factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education.

In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868 when the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896 when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws.

Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does.

In Sweatt v. Painter . . . in finding that a segregated law school for Negroes could not provide them equal education opportunities, the Court relied in large part on "those qualities which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for greatness in a law school." In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents . . . the Court, in requiring that a Negro admitted to a white graduate school be treated like all other students, again resorted to intangible considerations: ". . . his ability to study, to engage in discussions and exchange views with other students, and in general, to learn his profession." Such considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high schools. To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone. The effect of this separation on their educational opportunities was well stated by a finding in the Kansas case by a court which nevertheless felt compelled to rule against the Negro plaintiffs:

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to retard the education and mental development of negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racial[ly] integrated school system.

Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply supported by modern authority. Any language in Plessy v. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected.

We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

 

4.) Weaver, Robert C.. The Negro as an American
Electronic TextCenter, University of Virginia Library

THE NEGRO AS AN AMERICAN

When the average well-informed and well-intentioned white American discusses the issue of race with his Negro counterpart there are many areas of agreement. There are also certain significant areas of disagreement.

   Negro Americans usually feel that whites exaggerate progress; while whites frequently feel that Negroes minimize gains. Then there are differences relative to the responsibility of Negro leadership. It is in these areas of dispute that some of the most subtle and revealing aspects of Negro-white relationships reside. And it is to the subtle and less obvious aspects of this problem that I wish to direct my remarks.

   Most middle-class white Americans frequently ask, "Why do Negroes push so? They have made phenomenal progress in 100 years of freedom, so why don't their leaders do something about the crime rate and illegitimacy?" To them I would reply that when Negroes press for full equality now they are behaving as all other Americans would under similar circumstances. Every American has the right to be treated as a human being and striving for human dignity is a national characteristic. Also, there is nothing inconsistent in such action and realistic self-appraisal. Indeed, as I shall develop, self-help programs among non-whites, if they are to be effective, must go hand-in-glove with the opening of new opportunities.

   Negroes who are constantly confronted or threatened by discrimination and inequality articulate a sense of outrage. Many react with hostility, sometimes translating their feelings into overt anti-social actions. In parts of the Negro community a separate culture with deviant values develops. To the members of this subculture I would observe that ours is a middle-class society and those who fail to evidence most of its values and behavior are headed toward difficulties. But I am reminded that the rewards for those who do are often minimal, providing insufficient inducement for large numbers to emulate them.

.

Of course, there are those who observe that the average income, the incidence of home ownership, the rate of acquisition of automobiles, and the like, among Negroes in the United States are higher than in some so-called advanced nations. Such comparisons mean little. Incomes are significant only in relation to the cost of living, and the other attainments and acquisitions are significant for comparative purposes only when used to reflect the Negro's relative position in the world. The Negro here -- as he has so frequently and eloquently demonstrated -- is an American. And his status, no less than his aspirations, can be measured meaningfully only in terms of American standards.

   Viewed from this point of view what are the facts?

   Median family income among non-whites was slightly less than 55 percent of that for whites in 1959; for individuals the figure was 50 percent.

   Only a third of the Negro families in 1959 earned sufficient to sustain an acceptable American standard of living. Yet this involved well over a million Negro families, of which 6,000 earned $25,000 or more.

   Undergirding these overall figures are many paradoxes. Negroes have made striking gains in historical terms, yet their current rate of unemployment is well over double that among whites. Over two-thirds of our colored workers are still concentrated in five major unskilled and semi-skilled occupations, as contrasted to slightly over a third of the white labor force.

..

   The Negro middle-class seems destined to grow and prosper. At the same time, the economic position of the untrained and poorly trained Negro -- as of all untrained and poorly trained in our society -- will continue to decline. Non-whites are doubly affected. First, they are disproportionately concentrated in occupations particularly susceptible to unemployment at a time when our technology eats up unskilled and semi-skilled jobs at a frightening rate. Secondly, they are conditioned to racial job discrimination. The latter circumstance becomes a justification for not trying, occasioning a lack of incentive for self-betterment.

   The tragedy of discrimination is that it provides an excuse for failure while erecting barriers to success.

   Most colored Americans still are not only outside the mainstream of our society but see no hope of entering it. The lack of motivation and anti-social behavior which result are capitalized upon by the champions of the status quo. They say that the average Negro must demonstrate to the average white that the latter's fears are groundless. One proponent of this point of view has stated that Negro crime and illegitimacy must decline and Negro neighborhoods must stop deteriorating.

..

   Many white Americans are perplexed, confused, and antagonized by Negroes' persistent pressure to break down racial segregation. Few pause to consider what involuntary segregation means to its victims. 
        To the Negro, as an American, involuntary segregation is degrading, inconventional and costly. It is degrading because it is a tangible and constant reminder of the theory upon which it is based-- biological racial inferiority. It is inconvenient because it means long trips to work, esclusion from certain cultural and recreational facilities, lack of access to restraunts and hotels conveniently located, and frequently, relegation to grossly inferior accomodations. Sometimes it spells denial of a job and often it prevents upgrading based on ability. 

   But the principal disadvantage of involuntary segregation is its costliness. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in education and housing. By any and all criteria, separate schools are generally inferior schools in which the cultural deprivations of the descendants of slaves are perpetuated.

.

Middle-class Negroes have long led the fight for civil rights; today its youthful members do not hesitate to resort to direct action, articulating the impatience which is rife throughout the Negro community. In so doing they are forging a new solidarity in the struggle for human dignity.

5.)Atlas Map: Postwar Migration to the Sunbelt and West Coast

 6.)Atlas Map: Settlement in the US, c. 1950

7.) THE ORGANIZATION MAN, by William H. Whyte

(New York: Doubleday, 1956)

Chapter 1, Introduction

This book is about the organization man. If the term is vague, it is because I can think of no other way to describe the people I am talking about. They are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. The ones I am talking about belong to it as well. They are the ones of our middle class who have left home, spiritually as well as physically, to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. Only a few are top managers or ever will be. In a system that makes such hazy terminology as "junior executive" psychologically necessary, they are of the staff as much as the line, and most are destined to live poised in a middle area that still awaits a satisfactory euphemism. But they are the dominant members of our society nonetheless. They have not joined together into a recognizable elite--our country does not stand still long enough for that--but it is from their ranks that are coming most of the first and second echelons of our leadership, and it is their values which will set the American temper.

The corporation man is the most conspicuous example, but he is only one, for the collectivization so visible in the corporation has affected almost every field of work. Blood brother to the business trainee off to join Du Pont is the seminary student who win end up in the church hierarchy, the doctor headed for the corporate clinic, the physics Ph.D. in a government laboratory, the intellectual on the foundation-sponsored team project, the engineering graduate in the huge drafting room at Lockheed, the young apprentice in a Wall Street law factory.

In subsequent chapters I will explore these ideas more thoroughly, but for the moment I think the gist can be paraphrased thus: Man exists as a unit of society. Of himself, he is isolated, meaningless; only as he collaborates with others does he become worth while, for by sublimating himself m the group, he helps produce a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. There should be, then, no conflict between man and society. What we think are conflicts are misunderstandings, breakdowns in communication. By applying the methods of science to human relations we can eliminate these obstacles to consensus and create an equilibrium in which society's needs and the needs of the individual are one and the same.

..

I do not equate the Social Ethic with conformity, nor do I believe those who urge it wish it to be, for most of them believe deeply that their work will help, rather than harm, the individual. I think their ideas are out of joint with the needs of the times they invoke, but it is their ideas, and not their good will, I wish to question. As for the lackeys of organization and the charlatans, they are not worth talking about.

Neither do I intend this book as a censure of the fact of organization society. We have quite enough problems today without muddying the issue with misplaced nostalgia, and in contrasting the old ideology with the new I mean no contrast of paradise with paradise lost, an idyllic eighteenth century with a dehumanized twentieth. Whether or not our own era is worse than former ones in the climate of freedom is a matter that can be left to later historians, but for the purposes of this book I write with the optimistic premise that individualism is as possible in our times as in others.

8.) Little Boxes

Notes: words and music by Malvina Reynolds; copyright 1962 Schroder Music Company, renewed 1990.
Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes made of ticky tacky,

Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And the people in the houses
All went to the university,
Where they were put in boxes
And they came out all the same,
And there's doctors and lawyers,
And business executives,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And they all play on the golf course
And drink their martinis dry,
And they all have pretty children
And the children go to school,
And the children go to summer camp
And then to the university,
Where they are put in boxes
And they come out all the same.

And the boys go into business
And marry and raise a family
In boxes made of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

9.) Cover Illustration for "The Desi-Lucy Love Story," 1956

 

10.)????


 



I thought I mentioned that you *shouldn't* link to a huge document.  Many of those have to be cut down a lot.

 



__________________
mre


Senior Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 350
Date:

Leslie wrote:

To what extent did politics impact the civil rights movement? Use your knowledge of the years 1955-1965 to answer the question.

Document A:

Spoiler


Document B
Spoiler


-- Edited by Leslie on Sunday 15th of March 2009 09:06:33 PM



For some reason, doc B doesn't click, but I can see it in my reply.

 



__________________
mre


Senior Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 350
Date:

Tyler W. wrote:

mre wrote:

 

Tyler W. wrote:

 

To what extent did the baby boomers change America, politically, socially, and culturally, in the period of reform from 1960-1969.



I would frame as a statement for the writer to take a position on instead of a question, but consider different perspectives and evidence.

 



There was much change in the 60's. To what extext did or didn't the baby boomer generation change America in the 60's.

 



'much change in the 1960's' is an enormous understatement and very vague/ambiguous.  Its a no brainer that they did change America.  You mentioned reform earlier.  Why move away from it?  Why not: The baby boom generation reformed American attitudes but not institutions in the 1960's.  Assess the validity of this statement... blah blah.

 



__________________
mre


Senior Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 350
Date:

G. Larsen wrote:

G. Larsen wrote:

 

G. Larsen wrote:

 

Upon looking at mine, it's more or less Robert's but with a brick of stupid tied around it. He did it better, he can keep it.

Assess the validity of this statement: The United States held true to its Constitution and its rhetoric of democratic ideals when working against both domestic and international Communism in the early years of the Cold War (1945-1960).

 




 

 




Please look this over and tell me if it's workable, Mr. Everett.



You should have received my reply in an email.

 



__________________


Veteran Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 97
Date:

Im still unsure about an actual prompt, I thought of a couple more. 

In what ways were the lives of women affected in post war America. 

Excess the validity of this statement; The lives of women in post war America became easier due to their war time gains and new inventions.

To what extent did HUAC and Joseph McCarthy lead to the suspicion felt in the American middle class, especially suburbia.

HELP!



__________________
mre


Senior Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 350
Date:

Zachary W. wrote:

Im still unsure about an actual prompt, I thought of a couple more. 

In what ways were the lives of women affected in post war America. 

Excess the validity of this statement; The lives of women in post war America became easier due to their war time gains and new inventions.

To what extent did HUAC and Joseph McCarthy lead to the suspicion felt in the American middle class, especially suburbia.

HELP!



1) too general
2) factually wrong
3) unclear - this is the problem with this prompt. What suspicion?

How about: To what extent did women benefit from Cold War domestic life in America from 1945-1969?  Use your knowledge blah blah

 



__________________


Veteran Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 97
Date:

mre wrote:
Zachary W. wrote:

Im still unsure about an actual prompt, I thought of a couple more. 

In what ways were the lives of women affected in post war America. 

Excess the validity of this statement; The lives of women in post war America became easier due to their war time gains and new inventions.

To what extent did HUAC and Joseph McCarthy lead to the suspicion felt in the American middle class, especially suburbia.

HELP!


1) too general
2) factually wrong
3) unclear - this is the problem with this prompt. What suspicion?

How about: To what extent did women benefit from Cold War domestic life in America from 1945-1969?  Use your knowledge blah blah
Thanks, I'll be getting the documents up shortly.

 



__________________


Veteran Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 71
Date:

mre wrote:

 

joel the not so brave wrote:

I don't know why, but I cannot find a way to copy/paste my documents onto the forum (I spend about an hour finagling them every which way to try to get them to fit; all to no avail) so I'm just going to be printing them and bringing them all in on Monday. I'm sorry, I'm just not computer-savvy at all. :/



Oh well.  Thanks for trying. 

 




Sorry, I'll bring them in tomorrow.  I managed to scrap 17 documents, although about 14 of them will probably be not usable.  Ah well.

__________________
(instrumental)


Veteran Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 86
Date:

 

1.)Picture
Kenneth Clark Testing Children's Choices of Dolls, 1924


Kenneth Clark studied the impact of segregation on children by having them pick between playing with a white doll or a black doll. Invariably, children chose the white doll as this photo illustrates. (Library of Congress)

2.)Picture
Levittown




William Levitt capitalized on the postwar need for new housing as well as the mortgage subsidies contained in the 1944 GI Bill of Rights. The houses in his enormous suburban developments were small by today's standards, but they were affordable and included many modern conveniences. (Scott Foresman Addison Wesley, Picture Research Dept.)

3.)Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas 347 U.S.C. 483 (1954)

Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court

These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools.

The plaintiffs contended that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. . . .

In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does.

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to retard the education and mental development of negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racial[ly] integrated school system

4.) Weaver, Robert C.. The Negro as an American
Electronic TextCenter, University of Virginia Library

THE NEGRO AS AN AMERICAN

...Of course, there are those who observe that the average income, the incidence of home ownership, the rate of acquisition of automobiles, and the like, among Negroes in the United States are higher than in some so-called advanced nations. Such comparisons mean little. Incomes are significant only in relation to the cost of living, and the other attainments and acquisitions are significant for comparative purposes only when used to reflect the Negro's relative position in the world. The Negro here -- as he has so frequently and eloquently demonstrated -- is an American. And his status, no less than his aspirations, can be measured meaningfully only in terms of American standards.

      Median family income among non-whites was slightly less than 55 percent of that for whites in 1959; for individuals the figure was 50 percent.

   Only a third of the Negro families in 1959 earned sufficient to sustain an acceptable American standard of living. Yet this involved well over a million Negro families, of which 6,000 earned $25,000 or more.

   Undergirding these overall figures are many paradoxes. Negroes have made striking gains in historical terms, yet their current rate of unemployment is well over double that among whites. Over two-thirds of our colored workers are still concentrated in five major unskilled and semi-skilled occupations, as contrasted to slightly over a third of the white labor force.

..

   The Negro middle-class seems destined to grow and prosper. At the same time, the economic position of the untrained and poorly trained Negro -- as of all untrained and poorly trained in our society -- will continue to decline. Non-whites are doubly affected. First, they are disproportionately concentrated in occupations particularly susceptible to unemployment at a time when our technology eats up unskilled and semi-skilled jobs at a frightening rate. Secondly, they are conditioned to racial job discrimination. The latter circumstance becomes a justification for not trying, occasioning a lack of incentive for self-betterment.

   The tragedy of discrimination is that it provides an excuse for failure while erecting barriers to success.

   Most colored Americans still are not only outside the mainstream of our society but see no hope of entering it. The lack of motivation and anti-social behavior which result are capitalized upon by the champions of the status quo. They say that the average Negro must demonstrate to the average white that the latter's fears are groundless. One proponent of this point of view has stated that Negro crime and illegitimacy must decline and Negro neighborhoods must stop deteriorating.

   To the Negro, as an American, involuntary segregation is degrading, inconvenient and costly. It is degrading because it is a tangible and constant reminder of the theory upon which it is based -- biological racial inferiority. It is inconvenient because it means long trips to work, exclusion from certain cultural and recreational facilities, lack of access to restaurants and hotels conveniently located, and, frequently, relegation to grossly inferior accommodations. Sometimes it spells denial of a job and often it prevents upgrading based on ability.

   But the principal disadvantage of involuntary segregation is its costliness. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in education and housing. By any and all criteria, separate schools are generally inferior schools in which the cultural deprivations of the descendants of slaves are perpetuated.

.

Middle-class Negroes have long led the fight for civil rights; today its youthful members do not hesitate to resort to direct action, articulating the impatience which is rife throughout the Negro community. In so doing they are forging a new solidarity in the struggle for human dignity.

5.)
 Atlas Map: Postwar Migration to the Sunbelt and West Coast



6.)
Atlas Map: Settlement in the US, c. 1950


7.) THE ORGANIZATION MAN, by William H. Whyte

(New York: Doubleday, 1956)

Chapter 1, Introduction

This book is about the organization man. If the term is vague, it is because I can think of no other way to describe the people I am talking about. They are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. The ones I am talking about belong to it as well. They are the ones of our middle class who have left home, spiritually as well as physically, to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. Only a few are top managers or ever will be. In a system that makes such hazy terminology as "junior executive" psychologically necessary, they are of the staff as much as the line, and most are destined to live poised in a middle area that still awaits a satisfactory euphemism. But they are the dominant members of our society nonetheless. They have not joined together into a recognizable elite--our country does not stand still long enough for that--but it is from their ranks that are coming most of the first and second echelons of our leadership, and it is their values which will set the American temper.

The corporation man is the most conspicuous example, but he is only one, for the collectivization so visible in the corporation has affected almost every field of work. Blood brother to the business trainee off to join Du Pont is the seminary student who win end up in the church hierarchy, the doctor headed for the corporate clinic, the physics Ph.D. in a government laboratory, the intellectual on the foundation-sponsored team project, the engineering graduate in the huge drafting room at Lockheed, the young apprentice in a Wall Street law factory.

Man exists as a unit of society. Of himself, he is isolated, meaningless; only as he collaborates with others does he become worth while, for by sublimating himself m the group, he helps produce a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. There should be, then, no conflict between man and society. What we think are conflicts are misunderstandings, breakdowns in communication. By applying the methods of science to human relations we can eliminate these obstacles to consensus and create an equilibrium in which society's needs and the needs of the individual are one and the same.

..Whether or not our own era is worse than former ones in the climate of freedom is a matter that can be left to later historians, but for the purposes of this book I write with the optimistic premise that individualism is as possible in our times as in others.

 8.) Little Boxes

Notes: words and music by Malvina Reynolds; copyright 1962 Schroder Music Company, renewed 1990.

Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes made of ticky tacky,
1
Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And the people in the houses
All went to the university,
Where they were put in boxes
And they came out all the same,
And there's doctors and lawyers,
And business executives,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And they all play on the golf course
And drink their martinis dry,
And they all have pretty children
And the children go to school,
And the children go to summer camp
And then to the university,
Where they are put in boxes
And they come out all the same.

And the boys go into business
And marry and raise a family
In boxes made of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

9.) Cover Illustration for "The Desi-Lucy Love Story," 1956

 

10.)???


 

 



__________________
mre


Senior Member

Status: Offline
Posts: 350
Date:

piracine wrote:

 

1.)Picture
Kenneth Clark Testing Children's Choices of Dolls, 1924


Kenneth Clark studied the impact of segregation on children by having them pick between playing with a white doll or a black doll. Invariably, children chose the white doll as this photo illustrates. (Library of Congress)

2.)Picture
Levittown




William Levitt capitalized on the postwar need for new housing as well as the mortgage subsidies contained in the 1944 GI Bill of Rights. The houses in his enormous suburban developments were small by today's standards, but they were affordable and included many modern conveniences. (Scott Foresman Addison Wesley, Picture Research Dept.)

3.)Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas 347 U.S.C. 483 (1954)

Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court

These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools.

The plaintiffs contended that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. . . .

In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does.

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to retard the education and mental development of negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racial[ly] integrated school system

4.) Weaver, Robert C.. The Negro as an American
Electronic TextCenter, University of Virginia Library

THE NEGRO AS AN AMERICAN

...Of course, there are those who observe that the average income, the incidence of home ownership, the rate of acquisition of automobiles, and the like, among Negroes in the United States are higher than in some so-called advanced nations. Such comparisons mean little. Incomes are significant only in relation to the cost of living, and the other attainments and acquisitions are significant for comparative purposes only when used to reflect the Negro's relative position in the world. The Negro here -- as he has so frequently and eloquently demonstrated -- is an American. And his status, no less than his aspirations, can be measured meaningfully only in terms of American standards.

      Median family income among non-whites was slightly less than 55 percent of that for whites in 1959; for individuals the figure was 50 percent.

   Only a third of the Negro families in 1959 earned sufficient to sustain an acceptable American standard of living. Yet this involved well over a million Negro families, of which 6,000 earned $25,000 or more.

   Undergirding these overall figures are many paradoxes. Negroes have made striking gains in historical terms, yet their current rate of unemployment is well over double that among whites. Over two-thirds of our colored workers are still concentrated in five major unskilled and semi-skilled occupations, as contrasted to slightly over a third of the white labor force.

..

   The Negro middle-class seems destined to grow and prosper. At the same time, the economic position of the untrained and poorly trained Negro -- as of all untrained and poorly trained in our society -- will continue to decline. Non-whites are doubly affected. First, they are disproportionately concentrated in occupations particularly susceptible to unemployment at a time when our technology eats up unskilled and semi-skilled jobs at a frightening rate. Secondly, they are conditioned to racial job discrimination. The latter circumstance becomes a justification for not trying, occasioning a lack of incentive for self-betterment.

   The tragedy of discrimination is that it provides an excuse for failure while erecting barriers to success.

   Most colored Americans still are not only outside the mainstream of our society but see no hope of entering it. The lack of motivation and anti-social behavior which result are capitalized upon by the champions of the status quo. They say that the average Negro must demonstrate to the average white that the latter's fears are groundless. One proponent of this point of view has stated that Negro crime and illegitimacy must decline and Negro neighborhoods must stop deteriorating.

   To the Negro, as an American, involuntary segregation is degrading, inconvenient and costly. It is degrading because it is a tangible and constant reminder of the theory upon which it is based -- biological racial inferiority. It is inconvenient because it means long trips to work, exclusion from certain cultural and recreational facilities, lack of access to restaurants and hotels conveniently located, and, frequently, relegation to grossly inferior accommodations. Sometimes it spells denial of a job and often it prevents upgrading based on ability.

   But the principal disadvantage of involuntary segregation is its costliness. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in education and housing. By any and all criteria, separate schools are generally inferior schools in which the cultural deprivations of the descendants of slaves are perpetuated.

.

Middle-class Negroes have long led the fight for civil rights; today its youthful members do not hesitate to resort to direct action, articulating the impatience which is rife throughout the Negro community. In so doing they are forging a new solidarity in the struggle for human dignity.

5.)
 Atlas Map: Postwar Migration to the Sunbelt and West Coast



6.)
Atlas Map: Settlement in the US, c. 1950


7.) THE ORGANIZATION MAN, by William H. Whyte

(New York: Doubleday, 1956)

Chapter 1, Introduction

This book is about the organization man. If the term is vague, it is because I can think of no other way to describe the people I am talking about. They are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. The ones I am talking about belong to it as well. They are the ones of our middle class who have left home, spiritually as well as physically, to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. Only a few are top managers or ever will be. In a system that makes such hazy terminology as "junior executive" psychologically necessary, they are of the staff as much as the line, and most are destined to live poised in a middle area that still awaits a satisfactory euphemism. But they are the dominant members of our society nonetheless. They have not joined together into a recognizable elite--our country does not stand still long enough for that--but it is from their ranks that are coming most of the first and second echelons of our leadership, and it is their values which will set the American temper.

The corporation man is the most conspicuous example, but he is only one, for the collectivization so visible in the corporation has affected almost every field of work. Blood brother to the business trainee off to join Du Pont is the seminary student who win end up in the church hierarchy, the doctor headed for the corporate clinic, the physics Ph.D. in a government laboratory, the intellectual on the foundation-sponsored team project, the engineering graduate in the huge drafting room at Lockheed, the young apprentice in a Wall Street law factory.

Man exists as a unit of society. Of himself, he is isolated, meaningless; only as he collaborates with others does he become worth while, for by sublimating himself m the group, he helps produce a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. There should be, then, no conflict between man and society. What we think are conflicts are misunderstandings, breakdowns in communication. By applying the methods of science to human relations we can eliminate these obstacles to consensus and create an equilibrium in which society's needs and the needs of the individual are one and the same.

..Whether or not our own era is worse than former ones in the climate of freedom is a matter that can be left to later historians, but for the purposes of this book I write with the optimistic premise that individualism is as possible in our times as in others.

 8.) Little Boxes

Notes: words and music by Malvina Reynolds; copyright 1962 Schroder Music Company, renewed 1990.

Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes made of ticky tacky,
1
Little boxes on the hillside,
Little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And the people in the houses
All went to the university,
Where they were put in boxes
And they came out all the same,
And there's doctors and lawyers,
And business executives,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

And they all play on the golf course
And drink their martinis dry,
And they all have pretty children
And the children go to school,
And the children go to summer camp
And then to the university,
Where they are put in boxes
And they come out all the same.

And the boys go into business
And marry and raise a family
In boxes made of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.
There's a green one and a pink one
And a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky
And they all look just the same.

9.) Cover Illustration for "The Desi-Lucy Love Story," 1956

 

10.)???


 

 



Pam, can you chop down DOC 3, DOC 4 and DOC 7 please to one brief paragraph?  Thanks.  Also, if you are interested in the doll experiment, you should see http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489

 



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So i need a new question.

Explain the social, economic and religious implications of the Red Scare in the 1950's.

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To what extent did women benefit from Cold War domestic life in America from 1945-1969?


-Ladies' Home Journal, "Young Mother" (1956), After the end of World War II, women who had entered the work force during the war were expected to return to the home; "Rosie the Riveter" was to have been a wartime aberration. As these women married returning servicemen, the greatest increase in the native-born population in U.S. history, known as the baby boom, began.


-Cover Illustration for "The Desi-Lucy Love Story," 1956 

Women gaining fame and popularity through television. Becoming centalized figures in the lives of everyday Americans.


-National Organization for Women, Statement of Purpose (1966) 

Although the National Organization for Women (NOW) was founded in 1966, it did not become widely known until 1968. During the 1960s, conditions for women had improved only slightly. Although the civil rights legislation of the early 1960s applied to women, the status of women had not improved. Even within the student movement, the civil rights movement, and other activist groups, men expected women to perform secondary roles such as office work and preparing meals while leaving the real activism to men. The "free love" of the late 1960s often resulted in the exploitation of women. Nonetheless, the establishment of an organization dedicated to the advancement of women and the publication of this Statement of Purpose put Americans on notice that women, too, would demand an equal place in U.S. society.

--Housewife  

by: Anne Sexton 

Some women marry houses
It's another kind of skin; it has a heart,
a mouth, a liver and bowel movements.
The walls are permanent and pink.

See how she sits on her knees all day
faithfully washing herself down
Men enter by force, drawn back like Jonah
into their fleshy mothers.
A women is her mother.
That's the main thing.

 

--In a speech addressed to a group of college women graduates, Adlai Stevenson said:

many women feel frustrated and far apart from the great issues and stirring debates for which their education has given them understanding and relish.  Once they read Baudelaire.  Now it is the Consumer's Guide.  Once they wrote poetry.  Now it's the laundry list.  Once they discussed art and philosophy until late in the night.  Now they are so tired they fall asleep as soon as the dishes are finished. There is, often, a sense of contraction of closing horizons and lost opportunities.  They had hoped to play their part in the crisis of the age.  But what they do is wash the diapers.
Adlai Stevenson's Commencement Address at Smith College, June 6, 1955

-It was a strange stirring, a sense of dissatisfaction, a yearning that women suffered in the middle of the 20th century in the United States.  Each suburban wife struggled with it alone.  As she made the beds, shopped for groceries, matched slip cover materials, ate peanut butter sandwiches with her children, chauffeured Cub Scouts and Brownies, lay beside her husband at night, she was afraid to ask of herself the silent question -- 'Is this all?'
Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique

--If there is such a thing as a 'suburban syndrome,' it might take this form: the wife, having worked before marriage or at least having been educated and socially conditioned toward the idea that work (preferably some kind of intellectual work in an office, among men) carries prestige, may get depressed being 'just a housewife."  Even if she avoids that "her humiliation still seeks an outlet.  This may take various forms: in destructive gossip about other women, in raising hell at the PTA, in becoming a dominating mother . . . In her disgruntlement, she can work as much damage to the lives of her husband and children (and her own life) as if she were a career woman, and indeed sometimes more. 

December 1956 article in Life, "Changing Roles in Modern Marriage" 

--From some 1950's American High School Home Economics textbook.

"How to be a Good Wife." 

Have dinner ready. Prepare yourself. Touch up your makeup, put a ribbon in your hair and be fresh looking. He has just been with a lot of work-weary people. Be a little gay and a little more interesting. Clear away the clutter -- run a dust cloth over the tables.

Prepare the children: Take a few minutes to wash the children's hands and faces, comb their hair, and if necessary change their clothes. They are God's creatures and he would like to see them playing the part.

Minimize all noise eliminate the noise of the washer, dryer, dishwasher or vacuum. Try to encourage the children to be quiet.

Some Don'ts: Don't greet him with problems or complaints. Don't complain if he is late for dinner. Arrange his pillow and offer to take off his shoes. Speak in a low, soft, soothing and pleasant voice.

Listen to him: You may have dozens of things to tell him, but the moment of his arrival is not the time. Let him talk first. Make the evening his. Never complain if he does not take you out to dinner or other pleasant entertainments.

Then I have some results from surveys, but I don't necessarily have the questions asked or the surveyor information, like who asked these questions.


-- Edited by Zachary W. on Monday 16th of March 2009 01:13:14 AM

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These are the survey outcomes.

Over one-half of the women working in World War II shipyards reported that they wanted to keep their jobs after the war.

A Portland newspaper reported that at one shipyard, 60% of the women welders and 50% of the other women workers wanted to keep working.

A sheet metal worker said that "I hate to think of leaving $65 a week to come back to dishes and diapers"

In a survey of 9/10 of the 91,000 workers at the Kaiser shipyards in January, 1944, 53% of the women wanted to continue in industrial work, 8% were undecided, and 39% wanted either another job or to return home.

In the fall of 1944, the women's counseling department at an Oregon shipyard reported that 45% of the women wanted to continue in the same type of job after the War.

Anna Juris of Auburn said that "We aren't quitting until they put us out.  We will work as long as they need us, and when we're through, we will go back to our meals and dishes and children" 

Peggy Wolf, a chauffeur at the Navy Yard, commented on women being fired that "Many women in here are plenty unhappy, though.  The taste of independence has spoiled 'em"



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Okay. So my final question will be more along the lines of, "American dissonant radical groups change American society between the years 1960 and 1969. Using the documents provided as well as your prior knowledge, evaluate this statement by describing how and why this happened."

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What would be a good amount of outside information?

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i'm not quite sure what to use for primary source documents. would i be able to center my question " to what extent did the g.i. bill shape the development of ----- during the post wwii years" around suburbs (levittown), or maybe new york as a whole?

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President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Statement
on Signing the G.I. Bill
June 22, 1944

This bill, which I have signed today,
substantially carries out most of the recommendations made by me in a
speech on July 28, 1943, and more
specifically in messages to the
Congress dated October 27, 1943,
and November 23, 1943:


1. It gives servicemen and women the opportunity of resuming their education or technical training after discharge, or of taking a refresher or retrainer course, not only without tuition charge up to $500 per school year, but with the right to receive a monthly living allowance while pursuing their studies.

2. It makes provision for the guarantee by the Federal Government of not to exceed 50 percent of certain loans made to veterans for the purchase or construction of homes, farms, and business properties.

3. It provides for reasonable unemployment allowances payable each week up to a maximum period of one year, to those veterans who are unable to find a job.

4. It establishes improved machinery for effective job counseling for veterans and for finding jobs for returning soldiers and sailors.

5. It authorizes the construction of all necessary additional hospital facilities.

6. It strengthens the authority of the Veterans Administration to enable it to discharge its existing and added responsibilities with promptness and efficiency.

(http://www.gibill.va.gov/GI_Bill_Info/history.htm) ^

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smpsfs.jpg

levittown.


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A veteran and his wife look at plans and dream about their future together in their new home financed by a GI Bill loan. (Folder 14, Box 37, Defense Council Records, OSA)

A veteran and his wife look at plans and dream about their future together in their new home financed by a GI Bill loan. (Folder 14, Box 37, Defense Council Records, OSA)



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23tqbuf.jpg

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it seems as though all i can find are pictures.
what should i be looking for as far as text and whatnot goes?

hmmcry

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Assess the validity of this statement: Anti-communist domestic and foreign policies of the early Cold War period (1945-1960) were not inconsistent with American Constitutional and democratic values.

1. Policy statement about American objectives in Southeast Asia, June 25, 1952, in The Pentagon Papers (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), vol. 2, pp. 286288.
"8: With respect to Indochina, the United States should...
e. Specifically we should use our influence with France and the Associated States to promote positive political, military, economic and social policies, among which the following are considered essential elements:
(1) Continued recognition and carrying out by France of its primary responsibility for the defense of Indochina.
(2) Further steps by France and the Associated States toward the evolutionary development of the Associated States.
(3) Such reorganization of French administration and representation in Indochina as will be conducive to an increased feeling of responsibility on the part of the Associated States.
(4) Intensive efforts to develop the armies of the Associated States, including independent logistical and administrative services.
(5) The development of more effective and stable Governments in the Associated States.
(6) Land reform, agrarian and industrial credit, sound rice marketing systems, labor development, foreign trade and capital formation.
(7) An aggressive military, political, and psychological program to defeat or seriously reduce the Viet Minh forces.
(8) US-French cooperation in publicizing progressive developments in the foregoing policies in Indochina."

2. Declaration of Independence for the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, September 2, 1945, in Ho Chi Minh, Selected Works (Hanoi, 19601962), Vol. 3, pp. 1721.f
All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness
This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free...
We are convinced that the Allied nations which at Tehran and San Francisco have acknowledged the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to acknowledge the independence of Vietnam.
A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eighty years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent.
For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, solemnly declare to the world that Vietnam has the right to be a free and independent country and in fact it is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their independence and liberty.
(might not be workable, but I like it)

3. Communist Control Act of 1954, February 1954. from http://tucnak.fsv.cuni.cz/~calda/Documents/1950s/Communist_54.html
Sec. 3 The Communist Party of the United States, or any successors of such party regardless of the assumed name, whose object or purpose is to overthrow the Government of the United States, or the government of any State, Territory, District, or possession thereof, or the government of any political subdivision therein by force and violence, are not entitled to any of the rights, privileges, and immunities attendant upon legal bodies created under the jurisdiction of the laws of the United States or any political subdivision thereof; and whatever rights, privileges, and immunities which have heretofore been granted to said party or any subsidiary organization by reason of the laws of the United States or any political subdivision thereof, are hereby terminated.
,,,
Sec. 5 In determining membership or participation in the Communist Party or any other organization defined in this Act, or knowledge of the purpose or objective of such party or organization, the jury, under instructions from the court, shall consider evidence, if presented, as to whether the accused person:
(1) Has been listed to his knowledge as a member in any book or any of the lists, records, correspondence, or any other document of the organization;
(2) Has made financial contribution to the organization in dues, assessments, loans, or in any other form;
(3) Has made himself subject to the discipline of the organization in any form whatsoever;
(4) Has executed orders, plans, or directives of any kind of the organization;
(5) Has acted as an agent, courier, messenger, correspondent, organizer, or in any other capacity in behalf of the organization;
(6) Has conferred with officers or other members of the organization in behalf of any plan or enterprise of the organization;
(7) Has been accepted to his knowledge as an officer or member of the organization or as one to be called upon for services by other officers or members of the organization;
(8) Has written, spoken or in any other way communicated by signal, semaphore, sign, or in any other form of communication orders, directives, or plans of the organization;
(9) Has prepared documents, pamphlets, leaflets, books, or any other type of publication in behalf of the objectives and purposes of the organization;
(10) Has mailed, shipped, circulated, distributed, delivered, or in any other way sent or delivered to others material or propaganda of any kind in behalf of the organization;
(11) Has advised, counseled or in any other way imparted information, suggestions, recommendations to officers or members of the organization or to anyone else in behalf of the objectives of the organization;
(12) Has indicated by word, action, conduct, writing or in any other way a willingness to carry out in any manner and to any degree the plans, designs, objectives, or purposes of the organization;
(13) Has in any other way participated in the activities, planning, actions, objectives, or purposes of the organization;
(14) The enumeration of the above subjects of evidence on membership or participation in the Communist Party or any other organization as above defined, shall not limit the inquiry into and consideration of any other subject of evidence on membership and participation as herein stated.
(can knock out some of the points if necessary)

4. Internal Security Act of 1950, from http://tucnak.fsv.cuni.cz/~calda/Documents/1950s/Inter_Security_50.html
(3) The term ''Communist-action organization'' means-
(a) any organization in the United States (other than a diplomatic representative or mission of a foreign government accredited as such by the Department of State) which (i) is substantially directed, dominated, or controlled by the foreign government or foreign organization controlling the world Communist movement referred to in section 2 of this title, and (ii) operates primarily to advance the objectives of such world Communist movement as referred to in section 2 of this title; and
(b) any section, branch, fraction, or cell of any organization defined in subparagraph (a) of this paragraph which has not complied with the registration requirements of this title.
...
Sec. 5. (a) When a Communist organization, as defined in paragraph (5) of section 3 of this title, is registered or there is in effect a final order of the Board requiring such organization to register, it shall be unlawful-
(1) For any member of such organization, with knowledge or notice that such organization is so registered or that such order has become final-
(A) in seeking, accepting, or holding any nonelective office or employment under the United States, to conceal or fail to disclose the fact that he is a member of such organization; or
(B) to hold any nonelective office or employment under the United States; or
(C) in seeking, accepting, or holding employment in any defense facility, to conceal or fail to disclose the fact that he is a member of such organization; or
(D) if such organization is a Communist-action organization, to engage in any employment in any defense facility.
...
(need the first part since it's cited as the definition in Sec.5, the part I actually care about. Is there any way to shorten it?)

5. George Kennan, "The Long Telegram," from http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/coldwar/documents/episode-1/kennan.htm
...
(3) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue. This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meets Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve self-confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint communiqués. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will profit--Moscow cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies.

(4) We must formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop political processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibilities. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will.
...

6. Harry S. Truman, "Statement by the President," June 26 1950. from http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/korea/large/week1/kw_11_1.htm
The Government of the United States is pleased with the speed and determination with which the United Nations Security Council acted to order a withdrawal of the invading forces to positions north of the thirty-eighth parallel. In accordance with the resolution of the Security Council, the United States will vigorously support the effort of the Council to terminate this serious breach of the peace.
Our concern over the lawless action taken by the forces from North Korea, and our sympathy and support for the people in Korea in this situation, are being demonstrated by the cooperative actions of American personnel in Korea, as well as by steps taken to expedite and augment assistance of the type being furnished under the Mutual Defense Assistance Program.

7. Dwight Eisenhower, "Statement by the President of United States Policy Respecting the Western European Union," March 10, 1955 from http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/we007.asp
...
At the time when there was under consideration the Treaty to establish a European Defense Community, I made a public announcement of certain principles which would guide United States policies and actions with respect to Western Europe in the event that Treaty should be ratified. Now, in substitution for that Community, a plan has been evolved for a Western European Union. Obviously that Union and related arrangements signed at Paris on October 23, 1954, when brought into force, will serve the vital interests not only of the members of the Union, but of the peoples of the free world, including the United States. The United States has twice been drawn into wars which originated in Europe and today it maintains forces there to help minimize the possibility of another war. It is in the interest of the United States to help reduce such dangers.
To this end the United States committed itself to the North Atlantic Treaty. This Treaty is in accordance with the basic security interests of the United States, and the obligations which the United States has assumed under the Treaty will be honored.
The member nations are seeking to make the Atlantic alliance an enduring association of free peoples within which all members can concert their efforts toward peace, prosperity and freedom. The success of that association will be determined in large measure by the degree of practical cooperation realized among the European nations themselves. The Western European Union and the related arrangements agreed upon in Paris are designed to ensure this cooperation and thereby to provide a durable basis for consolidating the Atlantic relationship as a whole.
...

8. Inter-American Reciprocal Assistance and Solidarity (Act of Chapultepec); March 6, 1945 from http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/chapul.asp
The Governments Represented at the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace Declare...
2. That every State has the right to the respect of its individuality and independence, on the part of the other members of the international community.
3. That every attack of a State against the integrity or the inviolability of the territory, or against the sovereignty or political independence of an American State, shall, conformably to Part III hereof, be considered as an act of aggression against the other States which sign this Act. In any case invasion by armed forces of one State into the territory of another trespassing boundaries established by treaty and demarcated in accordance therewith shall constitute an act of aggression.
4. That in case acts of aggression occur or there are reasons to believe that an aggression is being prepared by any other State against the integrity or inviolability of the territory, or against the sovereignty or political independence of an American State, the States signatory to this Act will consult among themselves in order to agree upon the measures it may be advisable to take.
5. That during the war, and until the treaty recommended in Part II hereof is concluded, the signatories of this Act recognize that such threats and acts of aggression, as indicated in paragraphs 3 and 4 above, constitute an interference with the war effort of the United Nations, calling for such procedures, within the scope of their constitutional powers of a general nature and for war, as may be found necessary, including: recall of chiefs of diplomatic missions; breaking of diplomatic relations; breaking of consular relations; breaking of postal, telegraphic, telephonic, radio-telephonic relations; interruption of economic, commercial and financial relations; use of armed force to prevent or repel aggression.
...
9. National Defense Education Act, 1958, from myhistorylab (link would be pointless, just send you to a login screen, it's from the chapter resources)
...
We must increase our efforts to identify and educate more of the talent of our Nation. This requires programs that will give assurance that no student of ability will be denied an opportunity for higher education because of financial need; will correct as rapidly as possible the existing imbalances in our education programs which have led to an insufficient proportion of our population educated in science, mathematics, and modern foreign languages and trained in technology.
The Congress reaffirms the principle and declares that the states and local communities have and must retain control over and primary responsibility for public education. The national interest requires, however, that the Federal Government give assistance to education for programs which are important to our defense. To meet the present educational emergency requires additional effort at all levels of government. It is therefore the purpose of this act to provide substantial assistance in various forms to individuals, and to States and their subdivisions, in order to insure trained manpower of sufficient quality and quantity to meet the national defense needs of the United States...
Sec. 301. There are hereby authorized to be appropriated $70,000,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1959, and for each of the three succeeding fiscal years, for (1) making payments to State educational agencies under this title for the acquisition of equipment (suitable for use in providing education in science, mathematics, or modern foreign language) . . .

 

Post is a work in progress subject to edits. 3/16 21:50 Having difficulty figuring out what else to get for domestic documents, which I think I need more of. Anyone have any ideas?


-- Edited by G. Larsen on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 12:12:17 AM

-- Edited by G. Larsen on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 01:22:24 AM

-- Edited by G. Larsen on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 01:50:45 AM

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Doc. C:
...The white people of the South are the greatest minority in this nation. They deserve consideration and understanding instead of the persecution of twisted propaganda....
-Governor Strom Thurmond

Doc. D:
Segregation in the South is honest, open and aboveboard. Of the two systems, or styles of segregation, the Northern and the Southern, there is no doubt whatever in my mind which is the better.
- Governor Strom Thurmond

Doc. E:
..."Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument."...
-President Lyndon B. Johnson in a speech to Congress.

Doc. F:
..."This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution."...
-John F. Kennedy in his Civil Rights Address, 1963.

Doc. G:
..."All of this is on account of us wanting to register, to become first-class citizens, and if the freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America, is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave where we have to sleep with our telephones off of the hooks because our lives be threatened daily because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?"...
-Fannie Lou Hamer in a speech at the Democratic National Convention 1964.

Doc. H:

..."(c) Where a State has undertaken to provide an opportunity for an education in its public schools, such an opportunity is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.

(d) Segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race deprives children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal."...

-Supreme Court Decision Brown v. Board of Education




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Did the U.S. government alter the perception of Communism because the soviet union was a threat to american world dominance ? or was the soviet union a direct threat to American stability ?


"The Chance for Peace" address delivered before the American Society of Newspaper Editors, April 16, 1953 Dwight D. Eisenhower,


"Now a new leadership has assumed power in the Soviet Union. Its links to the past, however strong, cannot bind it completely. Its future is, in great part, its own to make. This new leadership confronts a free world aroused, as rarely in its history, by the will to stay free. This free world knows, out of the bitter wisdom of experience, that vigilance and sacrifice are the price of liberty."



"Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt's Address to the Democratic National Convention on the Importance of the United Nations, Chicago, Illinois, July 23, 1952"


"In examining what the UN has done, and what it cis striving to do, it must be remembered that peace, like freedom, is elusive, hard to come by, harder to keep. It cannot be put into a purse or a hip pocket and buttoned there to stay."



Excerpt from the "Novikov Telegram," September 27, 1946 Nikita Khrushchev


"Careful note should be taken of the fact that the preparation by the United States for a future is being conducted with the prospect of war against the Soviet Union, which in the eyes of the American imperialists is the main obstacle in the path of the United States to world domination."




Originally published in Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS),
1950


"It is quite clear from Soviet theory and practice that the Kremlin seeks to bring the free world under its dominion by the methods of the cold war. The preferred technique is to subject by infiltration and intimidation. Those institutions of our society that touch most closely our material and moral strength are obviously the prime targets: labor unions, civic enterprises, schools, churches, and all media for influencing opinion."


"Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy" Speech before the General Assembly of the United Nations, New York City, December 8, 1953 Dwight D. Eisenhower,


"Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind."




"Peace and Progress Must Triumph in Our Time" Originally published in Soviet Booklets, Nikita Khrushchev


"A great deal would perish in [a nuclear] war. It would be too late to discuss what peaceful co-existence means when such frightful means of destruction as atom and hydrogen bombs, and ballistic rockets which are practically impossible to intercept and are capable of delivering nuclear warheads to any part of the globe, go into action. To disregard this is to shut one's eyes and ears and bury one's head like the ostrich does when in danger."



"Special Message to the Congress on Greece and
Turkey: The Truman Doctrine, March 12, 1947Harry S. Truman, 1947


"The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died. We must keep that hope alive."


"Remarks by the Honorable George C. Marshall,
Secretary of State, at HarvardUniversity on June 5, 1947"


"Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist."



"Special Message to the Congress on the Threat to the Freedom of Europe, March 17, 1948" Harry S. Truman,


"The Soviet Union and its satellites were invited to cooperate in the European recovery program. They rejected that invitation. More than that, they have declared their violent hostility to the program and are aggressively attempting to wreck it."



"Khrushchev's Secret Speech on the Berlin Crisis, August 1961"

"If [Kennedy] starts a war then he would probably become the last president of the United States of America."


"Testimony from House Un-American Activities Hollywood Hearings, October 1947" Ayn Rand

"Try to imagine what it is like if you are in constant terror from morning till night and at night you are waiting for the doorbell to ring, where you are afraid of anything and everybody, living in a country where human life is nothing, less than nothing, and you know it. You don't know who or when is going to do what to you because you may have friends who spy on you, where there is no law and any rights of any kind."


Thirty Years of Treason: Excerpts From Hearings Before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 19381968, published in 1971


"[Question:] Why shouldn't I turn Communist? [Answer:] You know what the United States is like today. If you want it exactly the opposite, you should turn Communist. But before you do, remember you will lose your independence, your property, and your freedom of mind. You will gain only a risky membership in a conspiracy which is ruthless, godless, and crushing upon all except a very few at the top."




-- Edited by Rachel on Monday 16th of March 2009 11:17:08 PM

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Here is a definate Document A

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Here is a deffinate document B

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possible document C?

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Possible Document D?


There were 40,339,077 cars registered in 1950. In 1940 there were 27,465,826 cars registered.
http://search.google.dot.gov/DOT/DOTSearchProcess.asp?q=cache:RevpIDebnYAJ:www.fhwa.dot.gov/ohim/summary95/vm201a.xlw+registered+cars+in+1950&access=p&output=xml_no_dtd&site=DOT_Pages&ie=UTF-8&client=default_frontend&proxystylesheet=default_frontend&oe=ISO-8859-1



More cars means more jobs in factories. Also more cars means more demand for gas, which means more gas stations which means more jobs that are created.

-- Edited by Walter on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 12:42:13 AM

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For some reason I am having a lot of trouble finding the documents that actually have the quotes you gave me. And I wanted to find the NSC 5904/1 which talked about the US's foreign policy, but I can't find it either?

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Walter wrote:

Possible Document D?


There were 40,339,077 cars registered in 1950. In 1940 there were 27,465,826 cars registered.
http://search.google.dot.gov/DOT/DOTSearchProcess.asp?q=cache:RevpIDebnYAJ:www.fhwa.dot.gov/ohim/summary95/vm201a.xlw+registered+cars+in+1950&access=p&output=xml_no_dtd&site=DOT_Pages&ie=UTF-8&client=default_frontend&proxystylesheet=default_frontend&oe=ISO-8859-1



More cars means more jobs in factories. Also more cars means more demand for gas, which means more gas stations which means more jobs that are created.

-- Edited by Walter on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 12:42:13 AM



Documents are more than one sentence.

 



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Jessica! wrote:

For some reason I am having a lot of trouble finding the documents that actually have the quotes you gave me. And I wanted to find the NSC 5904/1 which talked about the US's foreign policy, but I can't find it either?



You can also use some secondary sources.  Like this: “The initial strike must be worked out in detail to make sure that all blows were struck simultaneously.” This became official, albeit implicit, policy in NSC 5904/1, “U.S. Policy in the Event of War,” which assumed the possibility of a preemptive response to an impending Soviet attack. In a “real” emergency, Eisenhower expected to launch an “all-out” nuclear war without consulting Congress first. Indeed, he once mused to his Secretary of State that, were he a dictator, he would “launch an attack on Russia.”
-The Real Eisenhower, by Ira Chernus http://hnn.us/articles/47326.html

 



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Doc. I:
"We
declare our right on this earth...to be a human being, to be respected
as a human being, to be given the rights of a human being in this society,
on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence
by any means necessary."
-Malcolm X

Doc.J:
The hope of a secure and livable world lies with disciplined nonconformists who are dedicated to justice, peace and brotherhood.
- Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Doc. K:
To enforce the constitutional right to vote, to confer jurisdiction upon the
district courts of the United States to provide injunctive relief against discrimination
in public accommodations, to authorize the Attorney General to institute suits
to protect constitutional rights in public facilities and public education,
to extend the Commission on Civil Rights, to prevent discrimination in federally
assisted programs, to establish a Commission on Equal Employment Opportunity,
and for other purposes.
-Civil Rights Act of 1964

Outside Information
Spoiler


-- Edited by Leslie on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 11:23:34 PM

-- Edited by Leslie on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 11:28:58 PM

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mr. everett can you help me find some more documents please? i have looked for more all afternoon and cannot find any... especially that go against my question!

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Document E?

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G. Larsen

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Outside Information
Spoiler


Still need two more documents, preferably concerning domestic measures to fight Communism.

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9. Telegram From the CIA Station in [place not declassified] to the Central Intelligence Agency, June 25, 1952. From http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/ike/guat/20195.htm
...
1. Group has opportunity buy for $50,000 enough arms and ammunition to arm 650 men with sufficient strength to start armed revolt with good results. Arms consist of 500 hand grenades, 180 machine guns, 500 automatic rifles and about 600,000 rounds ammunition. Arms and ammo are already within the city limits and can get them in 24 hours after group has the money. Person with whom dealing is of utmost confidence and giving property valued at more than $50,000 as security. As further security group could keep under control for 48 hours the men who receive the money until merchandise received and determined to be satisfactory. Important have tear gas bombs and request we secure some.
...
3. Revolt to take place in Guatemala City in daring coup involving several important military and government points. Detailed manner (of operation) already prepared. Could have govt disorganized in about six hours of fighting. Once [less than 1 line of source text not declassified] high officials eliminated and no govt to obey knows can get some army officers give help. Have enough men not presently in army who know arms well and previously in armed forces. Preparations already made for use about 400 men who are ready to act within short notice. They only know they are about to enter action.

10. National Security Act of 1947, found here http://www.intelligence.gov/0-natsecact_1947.shtml#s503
...
SEC. 503. [50 U.S.C. 413b] (a) The President may not authorize the conduct of a covert action by departments, agencies, or entities of the United States Government unless the President determines such an action is necessary to support identifiable foreign policy objectives of the United States and is important to the national security of the United States, which determination shall be set forth in a finding that shall meet each of the following conditions.
(1) Each finding shall be in writing, unless immediate action by the United States is required and time does not permit the preparation of a written finding, in which case a written record of the President's decision shall be contemporaneously made and shall be reduced to a written finding as soon as possible but in no event more than 48 hours after the decision is made.
...
(5) A finding may not authorize any action that would violate the Constitution or any statute of the United States.


11. "How To Fight Communism," J. Edgar Hoover, originally published June 1947. from here
The known, card-carrying Communist is not our sole menace. The individual whose name does not appear on party [member lists] but who does the party's dirty work, who acts an apologist for the party... is a greater menace. These are the "communist sympathizers," "fellow travelers," and "communist stooges."


-- Edited by G. Larsen on Tuesday 17th of March 2009 11:34:47 PM

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More Outside Information
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.


-- Edited by Zachary W. on Wednesday 18th of March 2009 12:18:23 AM

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There was much change in the 60's. To what extent did or didn't the baby boomer generation change America politically and socially in the 60's.

 

Document A-

Document B-

Document C- Civil Rights Act

TITLE III--DESEGREGATION OF PUBLIC FACILITIES

SEC. 301. (a) Whenever the Attorney General receives a complaint in writing signed by an individual to the effect that he is being deprived of or threatened with the loss of his right to the equal protection of the laws, on account of his race, color, religion, or national origin, by being denied equal utilization of any public facility which is owned, operated, or managed by or on behalf of any State or subdivision thereof, other than a public school or public college as defined in section 401 of title IV hereof, and the Attorney General believes the complaint is meritorious and certifies that the signer or signers of such complaint are unable, in his judgment, to initiate and maintain appropriate legal proceedings for relief and that the institution of an action will materially further the orderly progress of desegregation in public facilities, the Attorney General is authorized to institute for or in the name of the United States a civil action in any appropriate district court of the United States against such parties and for such relief as may be appropriate, and such court shall have and shall exercise jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section. The Attorney General may implead as defendants such additional parties as are or become necessary to the grant of effective relief hereunder.

Document D-

Document E- Port Huron Statement- Students from a democratic society

When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of, by, and for the peoplethese American values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency.

As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. Second, the enclosing fact of the Cold War, symbolized by the presence of the Bomb, brought awareness that we ourselves, and our friends, and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril, might die at any time....

 

Document F-

Document G- Lyrics from Buffalo Springfield-For What Its Worth

there's something happinin here
what it is aint exactly clear
theres a man with a gun over there
tellin me i got to beware

i think it's time we stop, children
what's that sound
everybody look what's goin down

there's battle lines being drawn
nobody's right if everybody's wrong
young people speakin there minds
getting so much resistance far behind

it's time we stop,
hey what's that sound
everybody look what's goin down

what a field day for the heat
a thousand people in the street
singin songs that they carry inside
mostly say hurray for our side

it's time we stop,
hey what's that sound
everybody look what's goin down

there are lawyer strikes deep
into your life it will creep
it starts when your always afraid
step out of line the man come and take you away

you better stop
hey what's that sound
everybody look what's going down x4

Document H- Intro to Timothy Learys book

The Neo-American Church is one of the four major religious organizations in the United States to use psychedelic substances as sacraments. We maintain that the psychedelic substances are sacraments, that is, divine substances, no matter who uses them, in whatever spirit, with whatever intentions: it is not just a question of terminology. The other three groups are the Church of the Awakening, the Native American Church, and the League for Spiritual Discovery."

Document I-


An Asphodel
 

 

O dear sweet rosy
unattainable desire
...how sad, no way
to change the mad
cultivated asphodel, the
visible reality...

and skin's appalling
petals--how inspired
to be so Iying in the living
room drunk naked
and dreaming, in the absence
of electricity...
over and over eating the low root
of the asphodel,
gray fate...

rolling in generation
on the flowery couch
as on a bank in Arden--
my only rose tonite's the treat
of my own nudity.

 

Document I-2. SCUM -- (Society for Cutting Up Men) Manifesto -- by Valerie Solanas

Life in this society being, at best, an utter bore and no aspect of
society being at all relevant to women, there remains to
civic-minded, responsible, thrill-seeking females only to overthrow
the government, eliminate the money system, institute complete
automation and destroy the male sex.

 

Document J- From Gay Liberation Newsletter

I am gay. This means that if I am weak and humble, if I hide my feelings of homosexual love, I will be expected for what I appear to be. But if I am proud and defiant, the politicians will have me arrested as they did the Rockefeller 5: who staged a peaceful demonstration for the repeal of the perverted laws that govern me- laws by which I cannot be bound since I had no part in making them.



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Outside Information-

1.       Beat Generation

2.       Sex revolution

3.       civil rights

4.       Feminism

5.       Kent State massacre

6.        Freedom to assemble

7.        Freedom of Speech

8.        Gay rights

9.        Student protests

10.    Students for a Democratic Society

11.    Vietnam war

12.    Ho Chi Mien

13.    Civil Rights Act

14.    Hallucinogens

15.    Draft riots

16.    Sit-ins

17.    Election of Harvey Milk

18.    Election of Lyndon Byrd Johnson

19.    Election of Richard Nixon

20.   Jack Kerouac

21.   Hippie movement

22.   Woodstock



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had anybody seen any documents about the GI bill? i've been looking and can't find any!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

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mre


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Zach,

Any ONE of those pictures would be fine.  It's kinda kitchen overkill.

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do you want us to post our outside information, or should we just bring it in tomorrow?

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A bit of a morale booster amidst all this.


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mre wrote:

Zach,

Any ONE of those pictures would be fine.  It's kinda kitchen overkill.



I know I was just putting them up there and decided later which to use.

 



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Outside Information

 

Founding of National Organization for Women in 1966

Betty Friedans Feminine Mystique

Success of women in business;

Freda Diamond,

Dorothy Shaver,

Brownie WIse

TV Family Illusion

Proposed Equal RIghts Amendment

National Womans Party

Equal Pay Act of 1963

United Nations establishes Commission on the Status of Women

Universal Declaration of Human RIghts 1948

Reproductive Rights- The Pill

M.R.S. Degree

Baby Boom



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alright i got a new question thanks to mr. e


The Warren Commission came to the conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the sole assassin of JFK. Assess the validity of this statement using the provided documents

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James wrote:

A bit of a morale booster amidst all this.



M&MAO

 



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Nice one Mr. E.


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Positions-

Yes to both positions. This answer would consist of an agreement that the 60s was changed by the youth. They created many protests, which changed the political policy and agenda from there onward, including civil rights and the issues on going in Vietnam.

No to both- The baby boomers were completely incompetent and didnt accomplish anything. There protests didnt change anything, the governing officials, just haphazardly wrote in new laws that the baby boomers were hoping for. The baby boomers had no affect on the Vietnam War at all.

Yes to social, no to political- The baby boomers were one of the first generations to unite together under one goal. Their search for social equality brought African-Americans, Latinos, and gays together for peace and justice.

Yes to political, no to social- The generation did get a couple of resolutions passed through Congress, though. This included the civil rights bill, which proposed equality for all. This of course was to mask these lies about equality, because there was much social contempt within the United States.

 

Document Analysis-

Document A- The picture is one of Andy Warhols pictures of Marilyn Monroe. It means that the start of the counterculture movement, where many people were breaking the mold of what American society was directing people to go. This picture represents that with the sex symbol of Marilyn Monroe and Andy Warhols pop art.

Document B- This picture was taken of the Kent State protests, where one protestor was killed. This means that there was an increasing amount of dissatisfaction with the Vietnam War. This was seen especially in the young adults, because of course they were fighting in the war.

Document C- This document says that there will be no discrimination or segregation allowed in public facilities, and if it occurs, the government will stop it by any means necessary. This means that this was the last political step to stop discrimination in facilities, which mainly was caused by the heightening of the civil rights movement. All that was left in terms of discrimination is to have people to put their own beliefs aside.

Document D- This document is a picture of a book cover about ways to beat the draft and not go into the military. Freedom of speech was very powerful in this era. People would use such graphic images as the book cover, to convey their message. This was another protesting remark about the war.

Document E- This document is by the Students for a Democratic Society, advocating their distrust in America, after the southern push for racial equality, and then the war in Vietnam. This is another document that means that there is a growing tension in America concerning the Vietnam War.

Document F- This document is a draft card for the selective service system, telling someone that they have to report to the recruiting office. This means that the baby boomer generation population was a necessity to keep the war effort going, though many such people burned the cards.

Document G- These are lyrics from a song by Buffalo Springfield. These lyrics state that the times are changing and there were many protests. This song means the same as the previous documents, that the hippies were starting to come about, advocating free love and peace, with the baby boom generation.

Document H- This excerpt from a book from a predominant social figure, Tim Leary, shows that different churches have used psychedelic substances over the years. This means, the coming of illicit drugs such as marijuana and LSD in mainstream American society. This was time when the baby boomer generation started using such drugs to reach an existential high.

Document I- This is a poem from Allen Ginsburg, a far out mentor to many people in the baby boomer generation. This poem tells about making love with another woman and how empowering the experience was. This means the start of the free love movement, where free sex and the pill were the norm, something practiced a lot by many people.

Document J- This document is an excerpt from a feminist book, called scum (society for cutting up men). This states that men are subordinate to women, and that they need women to survive, because they are incomplete without them. This means the continuation of the feminist movement, which overlapped in a few areas with the civil rights movement.

Document K- This document is a statement from the Gay and Lesbian newsletter, helping them affirm their rights to the general public. They state that their objectives are peaceful. This means the beginning of the gay rights movement, where many people were coming out, not being ashamed of being gay. This led to the election of Harvey Milk, and marital rights.



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Misleading info.
-Economy
-Boom
-Soldier experiences in Vietnam
-Whatever not pertaining to the DBQ?

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The NPC and CPPCC in 2012 is held in Beijing, monster turbine pro copper people.com.cn and people's daily political culture beats by dre pro is the focus of attention of the public questions had launched a web survey. Survey involving twenty hot issues, some of them monster turbine pro gold reached eight or nine approval rate, should be said to reflect the vast majority diddy beats pink of netizens comments (; idea; ), but the; idea; in the official there is much value? Can induce officials think over seriously, take measures to solve the problem? Officials are active against the; idea; on diddy beats white publish corresponding corresponding measure, continue to rely on more than a netizen ;intelligent; and ; noble; monster beats solo hd product red and not; idea;? It also can make nothing of it.

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